They advance against that standard, rather than the pestilence, beggary and injustice of serfdom.

他们按照这个标准发展，而不是将对抗瘟疫、贫困和农奴制的不公定为发展的方向。

This breakdown of serfdom and feudalism was followed by social unrest and rebellions when the aristocracy tried to fight the demands of the workers.

农奴制和封建制度的崩溃，随之而来的是社会动荡和叛乱，贵族试图反抗工人的要求。

Ask why property rights are weak and you may be taken further back, to the end of serfdom in 1861.

询问为什么财产权如此脆弱，你可能会被带回到1861年农奴制结束的时候。

When Catherine realized her core support came from those same landlords, she did an about-face and actually increased serfdom.

当凯瑟琳意识到她的持者来自这些地主时，她做了一个大转变，反而加重了农奴制。

But, at the same time, she'd failed in her goal to abolish serfdom, just as she'd failed to institute reforms that improved life for the 95% of the population who lived outside the cities.

但与此同时，她未能实现废除农奴制的目标，就像她未能实施改善 95% 居住在城人口生活的改革一样。

That is the whole principle of serfdom.

这就是农奴制的全部原则。

And it's like, oh, okay, time to learn a little bit about serfdom and whatnot.

于是乎，哦，好吧，是时候稍微了解一下农奴制之类的东西了。

And even after serfdom was abolished, the peasant class remained very poor.

即使在农奴制被废除后，农民阶级依然极度贫困。

And the plan for you was eternal regret and never-ending serfdom.

而对你的安排则是永恒的悔恨和无尽的奴役。

But we have racialized things to the extent that it's almost a type of serfdom.

但我们已经将事物种族化到了近乎一种农奴制的程度。

One thing is true is that because of everything going on, like, With serfdom, serfdom was horrible and nobles definitely and absolutely abused and I believe to a certain degree tortured their serfs.

一个事实是， 由于当时发生的一切，比如农奴制， 农奴制非常糟糕， 贵族确实绝对地虐待他们的农奴， 我相信在某种程度上还折磨他们。

But when Lenin died and Stalin took over, he quickly lost his taste for the revolution, became a critic, someone who Hayek in fact quotes in The Road to Serfdom.

然而，列宁去世、斯大林接管政权后，他迅速对革命失去了兴趣，转而成为一名批评者， 事实上，哈耶克在《通往奴役之路》一书中引用了他的观点。

Published in 1944, " The Road to Serfdom" argued that state intervention often produced the need for further state intervention and, with it, raised the chances of fascism.

1944 年出版的《通往奴役之路》认为，国家干预往往会产生进一步国家干预的需要，并随之增加法西斯主义的可能性。

So you hanker for the days of serfdom.

这么说 你向往奴隶社会。

Creating Dictatorships The argument for which Hayek is best remembered appeared in 1944 in The Road to Serfdom.

创建独裁制度 哈耶克最为人铭记的论点于1944年出现在《通往奴役之路》一书中。

It was an understandable response to a thousand-year history of Mongol invasions, byzantine intrigues, great famines, pervasive serfdom, unbridled tyranny, countless insurrections, bloody revolutions, crippling wars, years-long sieges, and millions upon millions slaughtered—all on a frigid landscape that forgave nothing.

这是可理解的，因为一千年来蒙古人的入侵、拜占庭式的阴谋、大饥荒、无处不在的农奴制、肆无忌惮的暴政、无数的起义、血腥的革命、残酷的战争、长达数年的围困和数百万计的屠杀——所有这些都在一个不宽恕任何人的寒冷土地上。

Children of free men were also deemed free,   and serfdom awaited for the children of serfs.

自由人的孩子也被认为是自由的，农奴的孩子等待着农奴制。

The characterization of Russian domestic serfs as " human machines" is an acerbic jibe at Russian serfdom, in force until 1861.

将俄国家农奴定性为“人类机器”是对俄国农奴制的尖锐嘲讽，这种制度一直持续到 1861 年。

There doesn't seem to be this inevitable path to serfdom that you're talking about.

你所说的那种必然通向奴役的道路似乎并不存在。

Russia had maintained a feudal system of serfdom up to the mid-1800s, much longer than other countries in Europe, which meant around 23 million people in the Russian Empire had until recently been forced to serve the landowning nobility.

俄罗斯维持封建农奴制直至19世纪中叶，这一制度的存在时间远超欧洲其他国家，这意味着在不久前， 俄罗斯帝国约2300万人口仍被迫为地主贵族劳作。